(Hypertension. 1998;32:813-816.)
© 1998 American Heart Association, Inc.
Statement of Opinion |
From the Department of Preventive Medicine and Epidemiology, Loyola University Stritch School of Medicine, Maywood, Ill (R.S.C.); and the Department of Research Planning and Evaluation, Carolinas Medical Center, Charlotte, NC (J.S.K.).
Correspondence to Dr Richard S. Cooper, Department of Preventive Medicine and Epidemiology, Loyola University Stritch School of Medicine, 2160 S First Ave, Maywood, IL 60153. E-mail rcooper@wpo.it.luc.edu
Key Words: hypertension, essential race genetics
Although race is widely used in hypertension research as a marker of increased risk, its meaning as an etiologic quantity is obscure.1 2 3 4 5 Because of its importance as a social category in American life, separating what we "know" about race through socialization from what can be known on the basis of scientific inquiry is difficult.6 This dilemma represents a specific example of how social influences impact the conduct of science. While the process by which evidence is gathered and evaluated is usually constrained by an existing theoretical model (the "hypothetico-deductive process"), hypotheses arise more informally from the interplay of "inspiration" and "intuition."7 Although hypothesis generation is at the core of scientific activity, it is peculiarly vulnerable to the influences of ideology. Contemporary perspectives on science as a practical human activity thus acknowledge that inspiration and intuition are the products of imagination and, as such, are derived from the investigator's experienceboth inside and outside the laboratory.8
While it is necessary to take account of the assumptions about
race that are generated by our participation in a racially stratified
society, it is also necessary to define exactly what we can know about
race through the conduct of science. In this discussion, we are
interested in moving beyond concerns about social influences on
hypothesis generation and will attempt to address the logic of studies
that use race comparisons to examine causal relationships.
Specifically, we ask the question, "Can available statistical
adjustment methods lead to valid inferences when race is regarded as an
etiologic quantity,
This article has been cited by other articles:
![]() |
P. Ordunez, J. L. B. Munoz, A. Espinosa-Brito, L. C. Silva, and R. S. Cooper Ethnicity, Education, and Blood Pressure in Cuba Am. J. Epidemiol., July 1, 2005; 162(1): 49 - 56. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF] |
||||
![]() |
R. S. Cooper Gene-Environment Interactions and the Etiology of Common Complex Disease Ann Intern Med, September 2, 2003; 139(5_Part_2): 437 - 440. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF] |
||||
![]() |
W. B. Grant, R. P. Clarke, H. C. Hendrie, K. S. Hall, S. Gao, and A. Ogunniyi Incidence of Dementia and Alzheimer Disease in Nigeria and the United States JAMA, May 16, 2001; 285(19): 2448 - 2449. [Full Text] [PDF] |
||||
![]() |
C. J. O'Donnell and W. B. Kannel Is There a Racial Predisposition to Hypertension? Hypertension, November 1, 1998; 32(5): 817 - 819. [Full Text] [PDF] |
||||
|
Hypertension Home | Subscriptions | Archives | Feedback | Authors | Help | AHA Journals Home | Search Copyright © 1998 American Heart Association, Inc. All rights reserved. Unauthorized use prohibited. |